Newsletter of the Israeli Council for
Israeli-Palestinian Peace
No 4-5 - November-December, 1983
Editor: Adam Keller
Editorial Board: Uri Avnery, Matti Peled, Yaakov Arnon, Haim Bar'am, Yael Lotan,
Yossi Amitai
Index
Introduction
A historic meeting in Cairo
Chronicles of the Peace Struggle
The ICIPP wins legal recognition for its emblem
ICIPP activities
A letter from Brazil
Alternative, a new Israeli Party
Between Tripoli and Tulkarm
"Yesh Gvul" under attack
A peace list in Jerusalem's municipal elections by Israel Loeff
The Tripoli Siege and the Palestinian Independence of Decision by Yossi Amitai
A Hasty Capitulation by Matti Peled
A Mother's Plea by Sameeha S.Khalil
Racism and the polarization of Israeli society by Adam Keller
Introduction
The Likud won Israel's general elections in
1981 on the strength of two false promises.
Prime-Minister Begin toured Israel, addressing large
rallies and promising a quick, military victory in
which mighty Israel would smite the evil Arabs. At
the same time, Finance-Minister Yoram Aridor
promised that the war would not entail a
war-economy. We would invade Lebanon while
buying new cars, and colonize the West Bank in
luxurious villas. It took only a month or two of war
in Lebanon for Begin's lie to be exposed; Aridor's
took about a year longer.
Even the enormous aid which the U.S. is
continuing to pour into Israel is no longer enough.
The Israeli government has no choice but to present
the bill for its expansionist policies, in both
Lebanon and the West Bank, to the citizens of
Israel. This is the root of the deepening economic
crisis facing Israel in recent months.
It is easy, even for the most unsophisticated
person, to understand that the death of soldiers in
Lebanon is the direct result of their having been sent
there by the government; it is far more difficult,
however, to understand that economic difficulties
are also a result of the same war, and the
government encourages the public to see its foreign
policy and its economic policy as totally
unconnected.
Many Israelis tend to attribute economic failures to the personal incompetence of the finance minister, without realizing that there is
a question of policy involved. Thus, after the
stock-market crash of October, many people
transferred their money to real estate, including the
government-subsidized real-estate in the West Bank
settlements; and the Israeli public accepted without
protest the appointment of a West Bank settler,
Yig'al Cohen-Orgad, as the new finance minister.
In this situation, the Israeli peace movement
faces the difficult problem of convincing the
workers who are being laid off and whose wages are
being cut, the poor who are paying more for basic
foodstuffs, and the university students whose
tuition fees are being increased, that their troubles
are inseparable from the war and from settlement
policy. The new "Alternative" party made a start in
this direction, which is described fully in this issue.
* * *
One of the side-effects of the economic crisis
has been the steep increase in the publishing costs of
The Other Israel. Some prices have soared by almost
a hundred percent within a few months, yet our
income lags far behind.
In the past, we have sent hundreds of free
copies all over the world, and we did so gladly,
because the primary junction of this publication is
to spread a message of peace, not to make money.
The present conditions, however, are forcing us to
cut our mailing list drastically. If you want to continue
to receive The Other Israel, and at the
same time help us in our struggle - please take out a
subscription.
This appeal is directed particularly to
friends from all over the world, who sent us
encouraging letters of solidarity, but failed to
subscribe. Your letters have warmed our hearts, but
we can't pay our bills with them!
The Editor
A historic meeting in Cairo
As this issue of The Other Israel was going to press, we learned of the historic meeting between PLO
chairman Vasser Arafat and President Mubarak, in Cairo.
We congratulate the PLO leader, whose courage and leadership have once again been demonstrated in the battle of Tripoli, upon taking this significant step. By meeting the Egyptian president, Arafat reaffirmed his adherence to the policy of consistently striving towards a political solution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Now that Syria has shown itself to be an enemy of the Palestinian people, and its insignificant Palestinian lackeys - to be mere Syrian agents, we hope that Arafat would demand and get the approval of the PLO decision-making institutions, where his policy has always enjoyed the support of the majority.
After the evacuation of Tripoli and the defection of the Palestinian dissidents, a two-thirds majority, in accordance with the PLO constitution, should enable Arafat and his supporters to launch a vigorous policy, aiming at the establishment of an independent Palestinian State in the West Bank (including East Jerusalem) and the Gaza Strip, next to and in peace with Israel. (Arafat could have taken this step in the past, but refrained, for the sake of unanimity.)
[page 2]
Chronicles of the Peace Struggle
This section chronicles the struggle for peace
going on in Israel in all its forms: demonstrations,
lawsuits, political art, etc. It includes the actions of -
both regular peace organizations and non-political
individuals and groups, as well as some positions
taken by members of the political and military
establiahment.
As the Israeli-government draws a large part of
its support from Jewish communities outside Israel,
the Israeli peace movement has been obliged to be
active there as well. Some such activities are
chronicled here.*
The present chronicle covers the period from
the beginning of October to the middle of
December.
Note:
*We will be obliged to readers if they send us further
information on such events occurring in their
countries.
The main Israeli peace organizations mentioned
here:
Peace Now - Israel's largest protest movement,
follows a moderate line and seeks to extend its
influence into the political center.
CSBU/CAWL - The Committee for Solidarity
with Bir-Zeit University / The Committee Against
The War in Lebanon - a protest movement
following a more radical line and ready to
demonstrate even on very unpopular issues. ,
"Yesh Gvul" (there is a border/ there is a limit)
- A group of reserve soldiers who refuse tto serve in
Lebanon (see article in this issue).
"Parents Against Silence" - an organization of
parents whose sons serve in Lebanon.
ICIPP - The Israeli Council for Israeli-
Palestinian Peace - our own organization, which
specializes in legitimiz ing contacts with the PLO.
"Campus" - a Jewish-Arab student movement
Women Against Occupation (WAO) - a
feminist organization, which is active in pointing
out the connection between occupation in the West
Bank and Lebanon and the inequality of women in
Israeli society.
The Internactional Center for Peace in the
Middle-East (ICPME) - An Israel-based
organization, active in North America and Western
Europe. Its positions are dose to those of the Labor
Alignment's doves.
# 1/10 - A day of study is held in Beer-Sheba.
The participants visit beduin encampments and a
beduin town, and meet with their inhabitants who
are constantly harassed by the authorities. The
event was organized by Shasi ("Israeli Socialist
Left") - a small left-wing organization.
# 4/10 - The Supreme Court grants an order nisi
to the Human and Civil Rights League ordering the
police to show cause why they have forbidden the
League from demonstrating in Upper Nazareth
against racism.
Upper Nazareth is a Jewish town built during
the fifties on land expropriated from residents of
Arab Nazareth. In recent years, many Arabs have
come to live there because the ministry of housing is
not building new houses in Arab Nazareth. A racist
organization, headed by Alexander Finkelstein,
demands the expulsion of Arabs from Upper
Nazareth.
- "Peace Now" calls upon Defence Minister
Arens to arrest and prosecute Rabbi Levinger, head
of the extremist Hebron settlers, for assaulting
soldiers.
- Ya'akov Peter, a reserve sergeant, is jaailed for
28 days for refusing to serve in Lebanon. He is the
100th soldier so jailed.
# 5/10 - Yuri Pines, an immigrant from the
USSR whose parents were active there in the illegal
Zionist movement, is jailed for the second time for
refusing to serve in Lebanon. Pines is a regular
soldier, and the pressures put upon him are much
stronger than on a reserve soldier in the same
position.
- About 200 people attend a meeting of the
Peace List to the Jerusalem municipal elections.
# 6/10 - Dany Bar-Tal, a psychologist from Tel
Aviv University, presents to an international
conference a work on the psychological side of the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The work analyses how
both sides are driven to misunderstanding and
hatred. He presents ways in which they could
overcome these difficulties and understand each
other.
- On the 10th anniversary of the Yom-Kippuur
War, a new book by a young Israeli author, Moshe
Oren, appears. The book realistically describes the
life of soldiers in a distant Israeli outpost in that
war.
This book is part of a strong new trend in
Israeli art and letters which more and more
frequently deal with the problem of war and its
consequences. This trend manifests itself in many
forms, ranging from the first works of young authors
and artists to a new production by Ha-Bima ("The
Stage" - Israel's National Theater) of Euripides'
"Women of Troy" - the world's oldest anti-war play.
# 7/10 - The Haifa Theater presents "Battle
Shock", a play dealing with soldiers who suffered
battle shock and a doctor who tries to heal them so
they can go back to the front.
- WAO members demonstrate in front of the
Neve-Tirtza women's prison, where the Palestinian
prisoners have been severely punished for refusing to
cook for their guards.
# 8/10 - A solidarity delegation visits the Druze
villages in the Golan Heights whose inhabitants, in
1982, defied Israeli annexation with a general strike
that lasted several months. The visit was initiated
by' the Communist Party, and people from several
other organizations joined it.
# 9/10 - Hundrers of Jaffa Arabs participate in a
protest prayer at the Hasan-Beck Mosque, whose
minaret toppled several months ago in mysterious
circumstances. They demand an end to bureaucratic
procrastination in repairing the minaret. The ministry of religious affairs threatens to fire the Imam of Jaffa for his participation in this protest.
[page 3]
- "Parents Against Silence" demonstrate inn
Jerusalem, saying "don't turn South Lebanon into'
Israel's North Bank!"
# 10/10 - Four soldiers are jailed for refusing to
serve in Lebanon.
.11/10 - Ha-Bima Theater presents "Bunker", a
play about soldiers in a bunker who have to go out, under fire, to retrieve the body of a dead comrade.
.12/10 - Two soldiers, Ya'akov Shein and Amir
Masarik, are jailed for refusing to go to Lebanon.
(For more about Ya'akov Shein, see also the article
on "Yesh Gvul".)
# 15/10 - The "Jewish-Arab Action Committee
for the Arabs of Jaffa" organizes a one-day work
camp in a Jaffa Arab neighborhood neglected by the
municipality.
# 16/10 - At the initiative of the ICPME, a
"Jewish-Arab Educational Council" is formed. Its
purpose is to bring together Israeli teachers, both
Arab and Jewish, who believe that the Middle East
conflict is to be solved through mutual recognition
of the right to self-determination.
- Using the slogan "settlement is inseparaable
from inflation", members of "Peace Now"
demonstrate in front of the Prime Minister's office
during a cabinet meeting. They erect a symbolic
"Settlements Altar" on which are "sacrificed" bread,
olive oil, milk, margarine, a book symbolising
education and a first-aid box symbolising health.
"Peace Now" hopes the message will reach the
Israeli Workers, who on the same day are holding a
nation-wide two-hour strike to protest the
government's economic policies.
# 17/10 - After winning its case in The Supreme
Court (see October 4th), the Human and Civil
Rights League holds a demonstration in Upper
Nazareth. Jewish and Arab demonstrators call "no
apartheid here! ". The police prevent members of
the racist group from assulting the demonstration.
# 19/10 - Poet and singer Yehonatan Gefen
publishes a new book, in which many of the poems
have anti-war themes.
- "Parents Against Silence" hold a large
meeting in Tel Aviv.
- "Ha-Ohalim" ("The Tents"), a movement off
Jerusalem slum dwellers which is running in the
Jerusalem municipal elections, holds a
demonstration to protest recent austerity measures.
At a rally, their leaders attack the settlements policy
and the Lebanon War.
Among the Oriertal Jews of the Jerusalem
slums, where the great majority supports the Likud,
there has existed since the early seventies a nucleus
of radical people who can be considered a part of the
peace movement. Unfortunately, this nucleus,
manifesting itself in various movements, has not
been able to grow beyond a few thousand at the
most, or to extend itself to slums in other cities.
Nevertheless, its continued survival in a difficult
millieu is to be appreciated.
# 20/10 - The Supreme Court rejects an appeal
against the ICIPP. Two Arabs are arrested in Haifa
for meeting PLO leaders. (See ICIPP activities).
# 22/10 - In the evening "Yesh Gvul" members
demonstrate in front of the military prison where
their comrades are held. While most of the
demonstrators stand in front of the prison gates and
call the imprisoned soldiers' names, a few climb on a
mountain overlooking the prison, and spell the
slogan "Yesh Gvul" with fire.
# 22-23/10 - The annual meeting of the AICIPP
takes place in Washington (see ICIPP activities).
# 25/10 - In the Jerusalem municipal elections,
the Peace List headed by Ya'akov Arnon wins about
a thousand votes. (See separate article.) Ha-Ohalirn
(see Octover 19th) wins about 1600 votes, most of
which can be considered to be from the Likud's
constituency. Also, the slum leader Dede
Ben-Shitrit, who supports "Peace Now" (see The
Other Israel N° 2, chronicles for June 22nd), is
elected to the municipal council in Teddy Kollek's
list.
- A soldier is jailed for 35 days for refuusing to
serve in Lebanon. .
# 26/10 - About a hundred people demonstrate
in front of the American Embassy to protest
Reagan's invasion of Grenada.
# 27/10 - After many public protests, the Arabs
arrested on October 20th are released, but are
immediately placed under "town arrest" (see ICIPP
activities) .
- The heads of the Kibbutz movements meet
with Defence Minister Arens ask him not to send
their members serving in the Nahal to pioneer "Gush
Emunim" settlements. The Nahal
("Fighting-Pioneering Youth") is a special kind of
military service, in which the soldiers spend half
their time in pioneering new settlements, which are
later taken over by civilians. It was founded by the
kibbutzim themselves, during the fifties, but is now
being used by the Likud government for its own
purposes. The heads of the kibbutz movements are
under pressure from their members in the army who
do not care to do this service for "Gush Emunim".
Arens, however, refuses to give the kibbutz leaders
any definite promise.
# 29 /10 ~ About 200 people participate in the
first meeting of the new party, "Alternative" (see
separate article).
- A general strike is held in the Arab towwn
Kafr-Kasm to mark the 27th anniversary of the 1956
massacre there.
# 31/10 - A military doctor is jailed for 35 days
for refusing to serve in Lebanon.
- In Neve Tirtza women's prison, prisonerss
protest the confiscation of their library by guards. In
retaliation, tear gas is pumped into their cells, all
windows are closed, and the prisoners are forbidden
to leave the cells for several days.
# 1-3/11 - In elections for the student union at
the Technion in Haifa (not to be confused with the
Haifa University), "Campus" increases its
representation. .
# 2/11 - At a rally, organized by the new
student union at Tel Aviv University to protest the
intended rise in tuition fees, the head of the Arab
Students' Union says: "25 per cent of the settlement
budget, or the cost of 20 days of Israeli occupation
in Lebanon, will be enough to solve all the problems
in the university". Many students cheer him, but
some claim this kind of argument will prevent
right-wing students from participating in the
student union's struggle.
[page 4]
# 2/11 - The Ramla dance theater, in which
Jewish and Arab dancers participate, presents a
dance called "Via Dolorosa" whose theme is the life
of refugees. The dancers emphasize that they mean
to portray all refugees, not just Palestinian ones.
During the dance, they use colored strips of cloth,
which contain the colors of both the Israeli and
Palestinian flags.
- Tel Aviv Mayor Shlomo Lahat, of the Likuud,
surprisingly comes out against the Lebanon War.
The shift in Mayor Lahat's public position since July
'82 (when he was one of the chief speakers at a giant
pro-war rally, held in front of the municipality
building) is a reflection of a shift in public opinion.
Opportunist Lahat will never stray far from what he
believes the public wants to hear.
# 4/11 - The first news of the atrocity at
Neve-Tirtza is brought by the prisoners' lawyer to a
demonstration of Palestinian women at the
International Red Cross offices in East Jerusalem.
Members of the WAO and women members of the
Israeli Communist Party also participate.
# 5/11 - A CSBU delegation visits the Daheishe
refugee camp.
# 6/11 - "Parents Against Silence" holds a
demonstration in front of the defence ministry in
Tel Aviv, to mark the passing of another month
since the beginning of the war.
# - 7/11 - An article in "Pi-Ha'aton", the
newspaper of the Jerusalem student union, reveals
new details of the police investigation of the Emil
Grunzweig murder, showing that the police ignored
important evidence. *[Emil Grunzweig is the "Peace Now" activist
murdered in an attack on a demonstration. The
police have been unable to find the killers.]
- In the Druze village Beit-Jan, the funerrals of
five soldiers who where killed in Lebanon are held.
During the funerals, much bitterness is voiced
against the government, which is conscripting Druze
youths into the army while maintaining the same
discriminatory policies towards Druze villages that
it has towards other Arab villages.
# 7-17/11 - "Yesh Gvul" members hold a vigil in
front of Prime Minister Shamir's home, demanding
Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon and the release of
their imprisoned comrades.
# 8/11 - As Prime Minister Shamir tours
Lebanon and meets with soldiers, he encounters a
soldier who says: "I feel here like a Soviet soldier in
Afghanistan or a German soldier in World War II. I
hope many soldiers will refuse to serve here and you
won't be able to stand the pressure! " Shamir's reply
is: "This soldier represents only a vocal minority.
Most of our boys in Lebanon are good, loyal
soldiers". The whole- episode is shown on Israeli
Television.
# 8-11/11 - Members of the CAWL collect
signatures, in Tel Aviv's main street, on a petition
calling for the return of Israeli soldiers, before any
more are killed. They get many new signatures from
people with no previous connection to the peace
movement.
# 11/11 - WAO members demonstrate in front of
the "Neve-Tirtza" prison (see October 31st,
November 4th).
- An ICPME team, headed by Dedi Zucker,
publishes the results of an inquiry into conditions in
the occupied territories. Among other revelations,
their report shows that from the salaries of workers
from the occupied territories, the same deductions
are made as from those of Israeli workers - but the
Arab workers do not receive the social benefits that
Israelis receive.
However, the Zucker team, in an impossible
attempt to be "scientifically objective" on a subject
that cannot help but be political, has accepted the
military occupation as a fixed framework, without
addressing the political side of the Palestinian
question at all. Thus the team could end up
supporting annexation in order "to give the Arabs
civil rights", a dangerously mistaken position taken
by some groups.
# 12/11 - "The Progressive Movement of
Nazareth", the major opposition faction in the
town council, which includes some of the leading
figures among Israeli Arabs, convenes a rally to
express solidarity with the legitimate leadership of
.the PLO, now under siege in Tripoli. Hundreds of
people from Nazareth, as well as Arab mayors and
public figures from Galilee villages, take part in the
rally, which sharply condemns the aggression of the
Syrian regime and the Palestinian separatists against
the PLO leadership of Arafat and his colleagues. Uri
Avnery, member of the ICIPP secretariat, reiterates
the ICIPP's position (see ICIPP activities).
- The Communist Party, which had for severral
months held a vacillating line of "neutrality"
towards the Tripoli events, is forced by strong
grass-roots pressure from its Arab members to take a
firm stand. It also convenes a meeting in support of
Arafat, in Haifa.
# 13/11 - "Peace Now" puts up posters with the
slogan "cut settlements - not health and
education! "
# 13-16/11 - "Yesh Gvul" collects signatures on
its petition, asking the Defence Minister not to send
the signatories to Lebanon. Several hundred new
signatures are collected in three days.
# 14/11 - A soldier, Michael Warszawski, is jailed
for the second time for refusing to serve in Lebanon.
(He was first jailed on September 16th.)
- "Peace Now" holds a public meeting in
Jerusalem, about the neccesity of withdrawing from
Lebanon. Unfortunately, out of a desire to
demonstrate wide political support, the speakers
invited are mostly from the political center and the
Labor Party, and some express satisfaction with
what they regard as the "end" of the PLO. Also,
"Peace Now" itself retreats from the slogan "get out
of Lebanon now", used at its June 6th
demonstration, and adopts a far more vague
formulation about "implementing a timetable for
withdrawal". However, it must be remembered that
"Peace Now" has passed through similar periods in
the past, and the pressure of events has always
forced it to adopt a more radical position.
# 15/11 - "Campus" members demonstrate in
front of the Knesset against the proposed increase of
tuition fees in the universities. They demand the
settlements budget be cut instead.
- Anat Saragosty, a "Haolam Hazeh"
photographer, is detained by the army in the West
Bank town of Tulkarm, while interviewing the families of two youths killed by Israeli security forces during a demonstration.
[page 5]
# 16/11 - In an interview with "Koteret Rashit",
Amir Peretz, the Labor mayor-elect of the
"development town" Shderot in the Negev, declares
his opposition to settlements and the Lebanon War,
and his support for "Peace Now".
He was elected on local issues, and these views
were not part of his campaign (though he didn't hide
them). Many of his voters had voted for the Likud in
the Knesset elect ions. Neverthe less, this is one more
indication that the peace movement. has some
support, even in what are considered right-wing
strongholds, such as the predominantly
Oriental-inhabited "development towns".
# 17/11 - The military doctor jailed on October
31st is re-imprisoned 'immediately upon his release.
# 18/11 - The WAO holds a protest meeting in
Tel Aviv against the maltreatment of Neve-Tirtza
women prisoners.
# 19/11 - The Communist Party, now anxious to
prove its support for Arafat, holds four simultaneous
meetings in different Arab villages and towns.
-. 19-20/11 - "Peace Now" delegates addresss a
meeting of the "Friends of Peace Now in North
America", held in Boston.
# 20/11 - The CAWL, the WAO and "Yesh Gvul"
hold a joint demonstration in front of the Prime
Minister's office in Jerusalem.
# '21/11 - The ICIPP holds a press conference In
Tel Aviv (see ICIDP activities).
- The CSBU holds a joint press conference in
Jerusalem with the inhabitants of the Daheishe
refugee camp, to expose details of army
maltreatment there.
# 21/11 - The ICPME, jointly with "Peace Now",
holds a public symposium in Jerusalem, in which
leaders from several Jewish communities speak out.
The phenomenon of Diaspora Jews refusing to toe
the Israeli Government's line greatly infuriates
right-wing speakers in Israel.
# 22/11 - Representatives of the ICIPP, "Yesh
Gvul", "Parents Against Silence", the CAWL and
"Netivot Shalom" (religious doves) meet with the
ICPME delegations from abroad. .
# 23/11 - "Yesh Gvul" members demonstrate in
Jerusalem inˇ front of the prison where Michael
Warszawski is held. (By the new army policy,
refusers are kept in separate prisons and isolated
from each other).
# 25/11 - Ha'aretz prints an interview, obtained
by telephone, with Abdallah Frangi, the PLO
representative in West Germany.
- In an Israeli television interview, the mother
of one of the POW's released by the PLO says: ''1
have always been a Likud supporter - Begin was my
idol. Our leaders always told us they (the PLO) are
terrorists, murderers... but they are just human
beings, they treated my son well." Several of the
returning POW's themselves also talk about the good
treatment they received, but the army soon takes
them to an isolated camp with no contact with the
outside. Within a few days, the ex-Chief-of-Staff,
Rafael Eitan, opens a public campaign against the
returning POW's, calling for them to be
court-martialled for "cowardice". He is joined by
other right-wing ex-generals, and also by President
Haim Herzog, while speakers from the peace
movement defend the POW's.
# 26/11 - A rally in support of Arafat takes place
at the Beduin town Rahat, in the Negev. (The Negev
Beduins, who until recently held no loyalty beyond
the tribal level, were forced by Israeli dispossesion
and forced urbanization to develop a political and
National consciousness.)
# 28/11 - Members of "Parents Against Silence"
rise early to demonstrate at Ben-Gurlon Airport.
There, at an early hour, Prime Minister Shamir and
Defence Minister Arens are leaving for the U.S.A. As
the Ministers' cars pass, the demonstrators shout:
"Return our sons from Lebanon!"
- The president of Haifa University decidees to
remove three political pictures from an exhibition
of paintings by the University Faculty of Creative
Arts. He claims the pictures, painted by artist
Avishay Eyal after he served as a guard at the
Al-Ansar prison camp, "might cause unrest and
disturbances among students". The creative art
teachers say they will close down the exhibition
unless the pictures are returned.
# 29/11 --:Members of the "Israeli Committee for
Solidarity with the Chilean People" demonstrate at
the Museum of the Diaspora in Tel Aviv when the
Chilean Foreign Minister visits it. They brandish
signs condemning Israeli cooperation with the
Pinochet regime, which gives refuge to Nazi war
criminals.
- Members of "Working and Studying Youth",,
a youth movement connected with the Labor Party,
demonstrate and demand immediate withdrawal
from Lebanon.
- "Yesh Gvul" holds a poetry reading in Teel
Aviv, on the anniversary of the U.N. decision to
partition Palestine between a Jewish state and an
Arab state. Many poets, Jews and Arabs, read their
anti-war poems to a tightly packed hall.
# 30/11 - The Hebrew Writers' Association
devotes a whole issue of its organ, Moznaim
("Scales"), to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict,
including poems and stories by Israeli and
Palestinian authors dealing with the conflict.
- "Yesh Gvul" appeals to the Supreme Courtt
against new army regulations. (See separate article.)
- In Paris, polarization within the Jewishh
community manifests itself during a lecture by the
Israeli ambassador. As Ambassador Sofer refers to
the Palestinian POW's released from Al-Ansar as
"terrorists" (in fact, some of them were soldiers and
most of them-ordinary civilians), about a third of
the audience leave the hall in protest. (The date of
this event is uncertain. Israeli newspapers reporting
it gave several dates.)
- A "Peace Now" delegation meets with the
commander of the army central command,
demanding that he take steps to evict the "Gush
Emunim" settlers from Joseph's Tomb in Nablus.
The settlers received, two years ago, permission to
stay in the tomb during the day, but not at night.
Now, in defiance of the limitation, they stay over
night as well, clearly intending to turn this into a
full-scale settlement, as they did in Hebron. Also as
in Hebron, they start a campaign of intimidation
against the local population.
# 1/12 - Leading "Peace Now" members come to
Joseph's Tomb. In a debate later shown on Israeli
Television, they telf. the settlers to clear out.
Meanwhile, "Peace Now" calls upon its supporters to
be ready for a big demonstration at Joseph's Tomb
the day after.
[page 6]
# 2/12 - Though indignant at the "ultimatum",
as they call it, the settlers decide to pospone their
Nablus plans, and restore. the status-quo (that is,
they stay at the tomb during the day only.) ''Peace
Now" decides to be content with this partial victory
and calls off the intended demonstration.
- The Tel Aviv Municipality refuses to perrmit
artist Ilan Molcho to put up his new poster named
''Iudaea Capta ". It is based on a Roman coin issued
after the Roman conquest of Judea, substituting an
Israeli soldier and an Arab woman for the victorious
Roman soldier and the captured Judean woman
shown in the original. The Tel-Aviv Municipality
claims the. poster is "too big, beyond the regulation
size for municipal bill-boards".
# 3/12 - An ICIPP delegation visits the deposed
mayor of Nablus (see ICIPP activities).
- Thousands of "Yesh Gvul" supporters
demonstrate in Tel Aviv. The Israeli Television
com pletely ignores this event, despite the fact that
two days earlier it covered a small demonstration
against "Yesh Gvul" by the semi-fascist organization
''Tzlil''.*
- *Because the Israeli Television has oonly one
channel, anything broadcast has enormous political
impact, and every second of air time is hotly
contested.The Israeli Broadcasting Authority, in
theory a public and not a governmental agency, has
a directorate composed according to the
composition of the ˇKnesset. The pro-government
majority in this body, together with the
government-appointed chairman, do their best to
turn the television into a government mouthpiece.
Nevertheless, the television is not yet completely
muzzled and once in a while a news item criticaI of
government policy slips in, as for example on
October 25th. Such cases never fail to send Ariel
Sharon and his ilk into paroxysms of rage, crying:
'The media serve the PLO".
- Contemporary politics creep into a histoorical
get-together at kibbutz Ramat-Hakovesh, intended
to commemorate the 40th anniversary of a 1943
British raid on the kibbutz. Kibbutz veterans tell
the story: how the kibbutz was surrounded by
British troops and police, how all males were
concentrated in a big compound, how kibbutz
women threw stones at the British soldiers, how a
kibbutz member was beaten to death ... The
comparison with present events in the occupied
territories becomes inevitable. Though
Ramat-Hakovesh is a kibbutz with a hawkish
tradition, many of its youth do not hesitate to
compare the Ramat-Hakovesh of 1943 with the
Daheishe refugee camp of 1983.
# 4/12 - At a meeting in Tel Aviv, members of
several organizations and parties decide to found a
new "Committee Against Racism", which will
initiate public struggle against the Upper Nazareth
racists and their ilk.
# 7/12 - "Campus" holds a big meeting at Tel
Aviv University in support of Ya'akov Shein, who is
a "Campus" member (see December 24th.) The
chief speaker is Prof. Yeshayahu Leibovitz.
# 9/12 - Uri Avnery visits Karim Khalaf, the
deposed mayor of Ramallah (see ICIPP activities).
# 10/12 - Members of the new "Alternative"
party demonstrate in front of Finance Minister
Cohen-Orgad's villa in a West Bank settlement.
- The ICIPP celebrates its 8th birthday.
# 12/12 - Yuri Pines again refuses to serve in
Lebanon. This time, in a particulary malicious more,
he is sent to a prison located in Lebanon.
- Policemen without a warrant. break into the
home of a CAWL activist in Haifa, claiming they
saw a Palestinian flag on her roof.
# 13/12 - The "Children and Youth Theater"
presents "White, Black and Gray", a play in which
two youths, a Jew and an Arab, are hospitalised
after a road accident. In the hospital, they
constantly play chess, symbolising Israeli-Arab wars.
# 15/12 - "Yesh Gvul" members demonstrate in
front of the Defence Ministry in Tel Aviv.
- A film on the Algerian struggle for
independence is shown in TeI Aviv. Many critics
point out, in reviewing it, the similarities between
the FLN and the PLO. Some of them also reach the
conclusion that Palestinian independence is
inevitable, as Algerian independence was - and that
the president of independent Palestine might, one
day, be received as a guest of honor in Israel, as the
Algerian president is today received in France.
# 17/12 - In Nazareth, Jews and Arabs from a
wide range of political and social organizations
gather for a meeting of the new "Committee
Against Racism and For Coexistence". They all
agree on the need to act firmly against racism
Afterwards, they go to visit an Arab family in Upper
Nazareth which is being harassed by racist hooligans.
- Members of the CSBU come to the Daheishee
refugee camp, and start paving a road within the
camp, as an act of solidarity with the inhabitants.
Large army forces evict them, arresting two.
# 18/12 - The entire population of kibbutz
Nir-Oz demonstrates for a whole day at the Prime
Minister's office and demands withdrawl from
Lebanon. Only a few members stay behind on the
kibbutz to take care of small children and livestock.
The ICIPP wins legal recognition
for its emblem
The ICIPP emblem, constisting of the interlocked flags of Israel and Palestine, (it is shown at the top of the page) has long been a source of bitter
controversy. Right-wingers, infuriated by the sight
of it, sought to make use of the notorious article
4(G) of the Prevention of Terrorism Act.
Arab citizens of Israel have been jailed, for flying the
Palestinian flag and even for singing Arab
Nationalist songs. The police, seeking to apply this
article to wearers of the ICIPP emblem as well,
arrested several of them, and at the May 31
memorial meeting for Issam Sarawi confiscated the
emblem displayed.
[page 7]
In response, the ICIPP sent a letter to the
attorney-general, asking him to instruct the police
to desist. His reply, though it is couched in
complicated legal terms, has a clear import: the
wearing of the ICIPP emblem does not, in itself,
constitute a criminal offence, unless there are
"added circumstances" (that is, unless the wearer
also takes actions that clearly indicate his
identification with the PLO).
This is a significant victory, enabling the ICIPP to extend activities and
removing one of its opponnents' weapons. Of course,
we will continue to strive for the complete repeal of
all the anti-democratic laws and regulations existing
in Israel.
ICIPP Activities
On October 20th, the ICIPP won an important
legal battle, when the Supreme Court decided to
reject the appeal of Yedidia Be'ery, a right-wing
activist. Be'ery had petitioned the Supreme Court
for an order nisi against the attorney-general,
ordering him to explain why he refused to prosecute
Matti Peled for treason, on the grounds of Peled's
participation in a joint press conference with the
late Issam Sartawi.
The Supreme Court completely rejected Be 'ery's appeal, and even ordered Be'ery to pay legal fees to Amnon Zichrony, Peled's lawyer. During the hearing, the attorney general reiterated his position that political meetings with the PLO do not constitute a criminal offence.*
On the very same day, however, an Arab
lawyer, Muhamad Miary of Haifa, and a student,
Maisra Sayed of Acre, were arrested by the police
because of their meetings with PLO leaders during
the U.N. conference in Geneva. They were even
forbidden to meet with their attorney, "for security
reasons". This was a new manifestation of the
discriminatory practices of the Israeli authorities,
who in many cases arrest Arabs accused of the same
offence for which Jews go free.
The ICIPP naturally found this attitude
intolerable, and immediately published a . sharp
protest. The members of the ICIPP delegation to
Geneva also signed a joint protest with all the other
Israeli participants** and published it in Ha 'aretz.
Other persons and organizations joined the protest,
among them the president of the Israeli Bar
Association, David Liba'ai, a member of the Labor Party. Because of this public pressure, and because
there was, in fact, no real case against Miary and
Sayed, the authorities were forced to release them
after a week.
Nevertheless, another way to harass the two
was found: the anti-democratic emergency
regulations of 1945 (originally enacted by the
British colonial authorities against the Jews during
their struggle for independence) were invoked
against them. The commander of the army's
northern command placed both of them under town
arrest. This regulation stipulates that for half a year
the accused cannot leave his town, must report three
times a day to the local police station, and must
remain at home during the night. This kind of
penalty can be legally imposed on any citizen of
Israel, without trial and without bringing any
specific charges against him. Actually, it is used only
against Arabs.
The ICIPP strongely condemned this vicious
act, and Uri Avnery visited Miary to express our
solidarity. The ICIPP is also considering other
actions, such as holding a meeting in Haifa and
inviting Miary to attend.
As the situation in Tripoli worsened, more and
more of the ICIPP's attention focused upon events
there. In the face of a general feeling, voiced by
Israeli public opinion, that Arafat was finished***, the
ICIPP reiterated its positions: that Arafat is not
"finished." because the entire Palestinian People is
behind him; that Israel has no interest in Arafat's
demise, because he is willing to make peace whfIe
the Syrian agents fighting him are extremists; that
Israel is not a passive spectator in the Tripoli events,
but an active participant, whose navy is blockading
Tripoli from the sea, complementing the Syrian land
siege; and that the naval blockade is an act of
infamy, which must cease forthwith.
In order to publicize these points among Israelis, Palestinians
and world public opirrion, the ICIPP held a press
conference and published advert isem ents in several
newspapers (see text in this issue); Matti Peled and
Ha'im Bar'am twice confronted right-wing speakers
in debates shown on Israeli television; Matti Peled
also engaged in a debate with right-wing columnist
Amos Carmel in Yediot Aharonot; and Uri Avnery
addressed a large meeting of Arabs in Nazareth,
making the same points. (See chronicles, November
12th.)
[page 8]
The course of events in Tripoli seems to have
vindicated the ICIPP's position, while many "Orientalists" and "Arabists" had to swallow their confident predictions.
Another event which vindicated the ICIPP's positions was the exchange of
POW's between Israel and the PLO. ICIPP members were instrumental in the exchange, raising the question in various meetings with PLO representatives. Ar'yeh Eliav, a member of the ICIPP, was even commissioned by the government as an official negotiator.
But the main benefits were indirect: positive proof that successful negotiations
between Israel and the PLO can take place, and did
in fact take place - even if only on a limited subject;
the good treatment accorded to the Israeli POW's by
their Palestinian captors; the obvious discipline and
high morale of the Al-Ansar prisoners, grudgingly
admitted even by right-wing journalists - all these
make it harder for the Israeli government to depict
the Palestinians as "two-legged animals". It can be
no coincidence that in the last few weeks three
different Israeli journalists published interviews
with PLO officials (see chronicles).
However, this process suffered a grave setback
on December 6th, when a PLO spokesman took
responsibility for a bomb attack on Jerusalem bus,
in which six Israeli civilians, including three children,
were killed. Not only was this an act as
barbaric and inhuman as the Israeli air force's
bombings of civilian populations - it also did great
harm to the Palestinian cause itself, and gave a great
boost to the Israeli government's positions.
Fortunately, some of the damage was repaired
by five Palestinian leaders from the occupied
territories: Karim Khalaf, the deposed mayor of
Ramallah; Mustafa Abd-A!-Nabi Natshe, the
deposed mayor of Hebron; Anuar Nusaibeh, an
important East Jerusalem leader; and Hana Seniora
and Paul Ajluni , editor and publisher of Al-Fajr
("The Dawn", an East Jerusalem newspaper). In an
unprecedented step, the five published a
condemnation of the terrorist attack.
Uri Avenery visited Khalaf in Jericho (where he
was exiled two years ago by the military
authorities) and gave him our regards and thanks for
this brave gesture. This gesture is a clear indication
that the occupied territories leaders, as well as many
Palestinians outside them, have realised the
importance of Israeli public opinion. They no longer
regard Israel as a hostile monolith, but as a
pluralistic society where peace forces exist. This is a
notable achievement, for the Israeli peace
movement as a whole and for the ICIPP in
particular.
At the time of writing, the Tripoli crisis seems
to be near resolution (though in the Middle East,
nothing but death is certain). The process of
occupation and oppression in the West Bank,
however, continues unabated. The town of Nablus
was invaded by settlers, who clearly intend to repeat
there the disastrous course of events already enacted
in Hebron. (See The Other Israel No. 2). On
December 3rd, an ICIPP delegation visited the
deposed mayor of Nablus, Basam Shakah, to express
solidarity with the city's population.
Besides responding to current events, the ICIPP
is preparing to launch a new project: a monument to
Issam Sartawi, a martyr of peace, to be placed near
the seashore of Acre, his birthplace. This project,
planned by art ist Yig'al Tumarkin, will require a lot
of international support. We hope to bring you full
details in our next issue.
Notes:
* The Attorney General, Itzhak Zamir, often voices
his reluctance to prosecute for any offence of a
political nature. On November 30th, he refused to
prosecute the racist leader Alexander Finkelstein,
who called for the expulsion pf all Arabs from IsraeL
In this case, Zamir used much the same arguments
he used when refusing to prosecute Peled.
Unfortunately, Zamir's tolerance extends only to
Jews of all political shades of opinion. Arab citizens
of Israel are being regularly prosecuted for offences
of a political nature.
** We take this opportunity to correct our report of
the Geneva conference in The Other Israel No. 3:
besides the ICIPP, the CAWL and the Communist
Party, whom we mentioned, the organizations from
Israel who participated also included the WAO, the
International Movement of Conscientious War
Resisters, the "Friends of The Prisoner in Israel" and
the Um-El-Fahm Cultural Center. The last two are
connected with the Ibna El-Balad ("Sons of The
Village"), an Arab nationalist movement.
*** Sadly, this opinion was voiced not only by
"hawks", but even by many "fair-weather doves",
who hoped that the demise of Arafat would free
them from the unpopular task of having to talk with
the PLO.
Our American sister organization, the America-Israel Council for Israeli-Palestinian Peace (AICIPP) has also been active. The advisory Council
of the AICIPP met in Washington D.C. on October
22-23 for its annual meeting.
Also invited and attending were representatives of the Ithaca-based
"Support for Israeli Peace Groups", the
Montreal-based "Le regroupement pour un dialogue
Israelien-Palestinien", and "Washington Area Jews
for Israeli-Palestinian Peace". In addition, several Washington area residents, some Jewish and some Palestinian, took part in the discussion of plans for
the coming year.
There was an enthusiastic consensus on working together and cementing ties
between all groups and individuals represented. The
Advisory Council elected a new board of directors
and officers for the coming year. (Readers interested in contacting the AICIPP can write to: Mary Appelman, ______________, Downers Grove, Illinois 60515, U.S.A.)
We hope that a worldwide network of
organizations, all working for Israeli-Palestinian
peace, will eventually be formed. It is our belief that
a war-torn Middle East is a danger to the whole
world, and that it is in the direct interest of people
of good will everywhere to help in defusing this
powder-keg.
One such person is the writer of the following
letter.
A letter from Brazil
Dear Editor
Thank you for your prompt answer to my
telegram requesting permission to reproduce and
distribute the ICIPP Newsletter, which I include
here. [Her copies are exellent - better that the originals].
I organized myself a file of the names of people
who signed a manifesto against the war in Lebanon
and mailed the first issue of the Newsletter to them,
and intend to do the same with the second.
I sent a copy of the file to three of the organizers and I hope
the Newsletter will stir them up again to some kind
of activism. I also distributed the newsletter at the
congress of the Socialist International, which was
held in Rio de Janeiro.
I suggest that if you have a network of people
around the world who have facilities to reproduce it
at no cost, like I can do, this would help the
movement.
Martha Pimenta De Moraes Streithorst
Rio de Janeiro
Brazil
We deeply thank Ms. De Moraes Streithorst for
her endeavours and pass her suggestion on to our
readers. As the primary function of this publication
is to spread our message, we hereby invite anyone
sympathetic to that message to help spread it
further by reproducing our newsletter. We freely
waive our copyright, provided only that the copy is
faithful to the original and doesn't change or distort
it in any way.
[page 9]
Alternative, a new Israeli Party
Since the electoral failure of the Shelli party in
1981, and since that party's subsequent split in
March 1983, ICIPP members, like many ethers in
Israel, found themselves without an effective
political party. The ICIPP, being a one-issue
organization, could not fill this need, which is felt
most acutely at times like the present when public
attention is focused on economic matters.
Thus, it is not surprising that many ICIPP members - along
with people from other political backgrounds -
have taken part in an initiative aimed at creatinga
new Israeli party, the "Alternative" party.
After several months of discussion, a manifesto was
published, signed by a hundred people, some of them
well-known veterans of political struggles, while
others were young newcomers to the political arena.
On October 29th, a preparatory meeting was held in Tel Aviv, at which more than 200 persons participated. Several committees were elected, and
they have been active ever since, organizing the new
party and drafting a comprehensive program, which
will detail a vision of a different Israel. A draft
program is to be presented within .three months to
the party's founding conference.
On December 10th; "Alternative" members
demonstrated in front of Finance Minister
Cohen-Orgad's villa, in the West Bank settlement
Ariel, symbolising the connection between
settlements and the economic crisis.
The confrontation with the minister-settler, shown on
Israeli Television, drew large public attention.
The new party is not intended, in any way, to replace the
ICIRP, but rather to operate in different areas and
with different methods (though of course they will
cooperate where possible).
The Other Israel will continue to bring you news on the progress of both.
A different Israel - the "Alternative"
manifesto
The State of Israel is facing the deepest crisis in
its history, a crisis threatening its very existence.
The collapse of the economy; the outbreak of
chauvinism and religious fanaticism; oppressive
occupation and bloody wars; growing poverty
beside parasitic riches; the growing erosion of
working people's salary; discrimination against
Oriental Jews, against Arabs and against women; the
growing religious coercion; breaks in the rule of
law; the growing disregard for human rights and
human dignity - all these are but different
manifestations of the one total crisis which is
threatening our future.
The Lebanon War is but one in a lengthening
series of wars, in which Jewish and Arab blood is
uselessly shed. This war was waged to make the
occupation and dispossession of the Palestinians
permanent, a process inevitably leading to
oppression, to pogroms, and perhaps to mass
deportation as well.
We see Israel turning before our eyes into an
apartheid state, in which a "master race" rules over
toiling "natives" who are denied national, civil and
human rights, who live under arbitrary rule by
military governors.
The settlers in the occupied territories are the
advance guard of the so-called "National Consensus"
which includes the coalition and the "opposition",
the Likud and the Labor Party, the religious
establishment and those who call themselves
"secular". In the face of this consensus, a true
alternative must be presented.
A true Israeli party * must be built, a party that
will struggle for a different Israel - an Israel that is
independent, humanistic, democratic, secular, pluralist, seeking peace and social justice; a state belonging equally to all its citizens, women and
men, Orientals and Europeans, Jews and Arabs,
secular and religious, holders of all views and beliefs.
The fury of those who protest the oppressive
occupation; the bitterness of those who are
discriminated against and being thrust to the fringe
of society; the just grudges of those who are
dispossessed of their liberty and their land - all this
will be useless if it is not manifested in a militant
political party.
We call upon all those who can't bear the
existing situation, who can no longer remain silent,
to participate with us in building the Alternative
party, which will struggle -
# For the existence, independence, security
and well-being of the State of Israel - all of which
can be safeguarded only by peace.
# For the creation of a democratic
constitution, which will safeguard human rights and
civil liberties without sexual, national or communal
discrimination; which will defend the individual
against government arbitrariness, and the minority
- against the tyranny of the majority; whiich will
safeguard the freedom of speech and the freedom of
association. The written constitution will empower
the Supreme Court to annul government resolutions, laws enacted by a casual majority, arbitrary regulations and emergency laws - when
these contradict a democratic regime and the rule of
law**.
# For direct negotiations between Israel and
the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), for
the creation of a Palestinian State side-by-side with
the State of Israel, in its June 4th, 1967 borders.
# For negotiations for a comprehensive peace
between Israel and all its neighbors, in the context
of which Israel will give back the territories
occupied in 1967.
[page 10]
# For unconditional Israeli withdrawal from the territories occupied in the
Lebanon War.
# For the creation of a progressive, just and
creative society, which will be self-supporting and
maintain an economic democracy; which will
prevent an economic take-over by giant concerns
and give the working and creative people a true
share in economic decision-making; which will
ensure a just distribution of national resources and
safeguard fair living conditions to any man and
woman in Israel.
# For the liberation of Israeli culture and
education from narrow chauvinism and backward
religious bigotry; for a restoration of the freedom of
creation and of educational pluralism; for the
upholding of humanitarian values and for an
open-minded approach towards different cultures***
both inside and outside Israel.
# For political and economic non-alignment of
Israel with foreign powers, of either West or East;
for Israeli non-involvement in the struggle of world
power-blocks; for Israeli solidarity with the
liberation struggle of oppressed peoples.
We are determined to build, according to these
principles, a new party, the "Alternative" party.
During the last few months, discussions have
taken place between various groups and individuals
about building this party. We seek to build a party
that will unite women and men in a common
struggle for the solution of real problems, without
letting ideological differences become a barrier to
common political activity.**** We will seek to create
in this party new avenues of political activity and
ensure internal democracy.
We call upon each man and woman in Israel to
participate with us in building the new party.
* Many members of "Alternative" contrast "Israeli"
(as meaning all citizens of Israel) with "Jewish".
What is meant here is that existing parties are not
true Israeli parties, but Jewish parties, in which
Arabs (if admitted at all) can take only subordinate
positions.
**As can be clearly seen from the context, the phrase
"rule of law" does not mean the sanctity of any law,
by virtue of its being a law, but rather the principle
of a government which is bound by laws and can't
act arbitrarily.
*** The plural is a clear affirmation that within Israeli
society several cultures exist, and that all of them
deserve equaI recognition and encouragement.
**** The word "Zionism" has been deliberately omitted
from this manifesto, and the founders of
"Alternative" include people who consider
themselves Zionists, others who consider themselves
anti-Zionist, and still others who consider
themselves non-Zionist, The same is true of
"Socialism ". All these people have found no
difficulty in working together harmoniously and
accepting this manifesto.
***
Between Tripoli and Tulkarm
The following is the text of the resolution
adopted by the ICIPP executive in its November
15th session, and published as a paid ad in "Ha'aretz",
"The Jerusalem Post" and "Ha'olam Ha'zeh".
(Tripoli is the north Lebanese seaport where
PLO forces under Arafat were besieged by Syria; Tulkarm is a West Bank town, where two Arab youths were killed by Israeli security forces, during a
demonstration in support of Arafat.)
- In view of the.general rejoicing in Jeruusalem at
Syria's attempt to annihilate the independent
Palestinian national movement;
- In view of the unlimited support given bby
Washington to the extreme hawks in Israel, and by
Moscow to the Syrian regime;
- In view of the increasing repression of the
Palestinian population in the occupied territories by
the Israeli military authorities;
- In view of the Labour Alignment's expecttation
of an alliance of Israel and Jordan against the
Palestinian people;
The Israeli Council for Israeli-Palestinian Peace
addresses itself to all who believe in peace, both in
Israel and abroad:
Had the Syrian army, wlith the active connivance
of the Israeli navy, succeeded in eliminating the
responsible and moderate leadership of the PLO,
this would not have solved the Palestinian problem,
nor removed it from the world's agenda.
The extremist positions of Abu Saleh and Abu
Moussa - aided and abetted by the Syrian regime - which call for the destruction of Israel, can lead only
to a renewal of the terror and the continued
shedding of both Israeli and Palestinian blood.
The Shi'ite population in southern Lebanon,
previously sympathetic to Israel, has since the
invasion of Lebanon, become a dangerous new
factor which could set off a major war in the region.
Only an immediate Israeli withdrawal from
Lebanon can prevent this from happening.
Meanwhile, the systematic harassment of the
Palestinian population in the occupied territories by
the Israeli settlers keeps inflaming the already
incendiary situation, and perpetuates hostility and
strife. The settlements are also a considerable drain
on the Israeli economy, thus increasing the
difficulties of large sectors of the Israeli public.
At such a time, all of us - in Israel and abroad - who
believe in peace must demand a halt to the
headlong race to destruction.
The Israeli government must announce its
willingness to make a just peace, based on the
following principles:
- Reciprocal recognition by Israel and thee Arab
countries;
- Israeli recognition of the rights of thee
Palestinian people to self-determination and to an
independent state on the West Bank (including East
Jerusalem) and in the Gaza Strip - alongside Israel,
and at peace with her;
- The evacuation of the territories occupiied by
Israel in the 1967 war, within the framework of a
general peace treaty w'ith all the Arab states, as well
as the PLO, which is the Palestinian people's
recognized and independent leadership.
As a first step, the government of Israel should
immediately stop all further settlement in the
occupied territories, desist from suppressing the
Palestinian population, and remove the naval
blockade of Tripoli.
[page 11]
"Yesh Gvul" under attack
Few movements in the stormy political history
of Israel have aroused as much controversy, over so
many fundamental issues, as "Yesh Gvul" (translated
as both "There is a Border" and "There is a Limit").
More than a hundred members of "Yesh Gvul"
have so far been imprisoned for refusing to serve in
Lebanon, during their reserve military service (there
were others imprisoned for refusing to serve in the
West Bank).
Those imprisoned, however, are but the
tip of the iceberg. For every soldier resolute enough
to face imprisonment, there are dozens who get a
medical discharge and hundreds who do go to
Lebanon, feeling bitterness toward the government
and respect for those imprisoned.
Among all sections of Israeli society, the
impact of "Yesh Gvul" has been felt most deeply
within the kibbutz movements. The kibbutzim have
a long tradition of service, dating back to the
pre-1948 Jewish militia, the "Haganah"
(''Defence''), out of which arose the Israeli army.
Kibbutz youth are educated to volunteer for elite
combat units and to seek officer's training, in what
they are taught is an army of defence, an instrument
to be used only in cases of dire need, when there is
no other choice - and to be used as humanely as
possible even then.
The contradictions between what they are
taught and the army's actual role as an instrument of
occupation and oppression is deeply felt by many
kibbutzniks. Some of them turn to active political
protest; a larger number simply become alienated,
within the army, and refuse to accept responsible
positions or embark upon officers' training.
The feeling of alienation is increased by the fact that the
right-wing Likud government is, ideologically and
politically, hostile to the kibbutzim, and many of its
spokesmen have made no secret of this hostility.
There are, on the other hand, many
kibbutzniks who continue to uphold the sanctity of
military service. They do so for different reasons:
some, particularly in the United Kibbutz Movement
(UKM), are hawks who support annexationist
policies; a greater number oppose government
policies, but sincerely believe that their duty is to be
on the spot, in influential army positions, where
they can stop or at least reduce incidents of abuses.
In the heated controversy raging within the
kibbutzim, the name "Yesh Gvul" crops up again and
again: a rallying-call for some, a red rag for others.
It was inevitable that the growing importance
of "Yesh Gvul" would turn it into the target of a
counter-offensive, and this is what has occurred in
recent months. There are some indications that
Defence Minister Arens, who outwardly keeps a
poker face and usually refrains from making
extremist statements, is in fact personally
orchestrating the anti-Yesh Gvul campaign.*
The attack is being carried our simultaneously on several
fronts. The first of these is within the army.
New army regulations, enacted for the express
purpose of crushing "Yesh Gvul", make it possible
for the amy to summon a soldier for a new term of
service in Lebanon immediately upon his release
from prison, and thus re-imprison him again and
again. Further, these new regulations make it
mandatory for the army units to summon the
soldier again and again, even if they have no
military need of his services at the time.
One soldier,Ya'akov Shein, was visited during his first prison
term by several senior commanders and by a
psychologist, each of whom threatened that if Shein
didn't desist in refusing to serve, he would spend the
rest of his life in prison.
While the army is concentrating on a small
group of soldiers, calling them up again and again, it
has become lenient towards new refusers, preferring
not to imprison them and thus keep the number of
''Yesh Gvul" prisoners small.**
Formerly, the army used to send all the prisoners to one prison, where
they formed a compact, organized group which
strongly influenced and sometimes converted
ordinary prisoners. Now, the army has started
dispersing the prisoners among different military
prisons, isolating them from each other.
At the same time, various individuals and
organizations are conducting a public campaign
against "Yesh Gvul". The semi-fascist organization "Tzlil" (''Youth
for Israel", or "Patriotic Youth") has demonstrated,
carrying cardboard targets marked "Refuser", and its
leader, Israel Katz (former head of the right-wing
student union in Jerusalem University) declared that
"refusing to serve in Lebanonis worse than murder".
So far, this organization has attempted no actual
violence, perhaps because it lacks manpower (only a
few dozens turned out for its anti-"Yesh Gvul"
demonstrations, though they received wide
coverage in the media).
Columnist Dan Margalit, who claims to be a
liberal and supporter of the peace movement (in
June '82, when the Lebanon War seemed popular
and successful, he warmly supported it), wrote an
article in Ha'aretz charging "Yesh Gvul" with no less
than "undermining the anti-war struggle" and even
"paving the road to fascism".
[page 12]
In the kibbutzim, there is a group of extreme hawks that tries (so far, unsuccessfully) to implement various sanctions against refusers, such as banning them from teaching jobs within the
kibbutzim. Col. (res.) Dan Sarig, of Kibbutz Beit Hashita, called upon the UKM to expel refusers altogether, and upon the army to give them long
prison sentences.
More importantly, the official leadership of all the kibbutz movements opposes
''Yesh Gvul". Israel Galili, the influential leader of
the UKM, published a letter condemning refusal to
serve in Lebanon, and the secretariat of Mapam's
"Hakibbutz Ha'artzy" movement adopted a
resolution condemning refusal as "dangerous to
state security".
Defence Minister Arens hopes to forge all these
disparate forces into a united front. Secretly, he is
lobbying Labor M.K's, trying to gain their support
for a bi-partisan resolution condemning ''Yesh
Gvul", and possibly for new legislation against it as
well. In this, however, he has been unsuccessful so
far: even many Labor hawks refuse to lend their
support to what they regard as a smokescreen
intended to hide the government's failures.
In the face of these attacks, "Yesh Gvul" is
fighting back. Soldiers imprisoned for the second or
third time are not weakening, and "Yesh Gvul"
continues to demonstrate in front of the prisons. On
November 30th, it appealed to the Supreme Court
to rule the new army regulations illegal. A large
number of artists, writers and actors, political and
academic figures, either actively support "Yesh
Gvul" or are to some degree sympathetic to it.
Massive support for "Yesh Gvul" was shown by the
large turnout for its rock concert on September 29th
(see The Other Israel, No. 3). It was shown again at a
series of meetings and demonstrations (see
Chronicles for November 29th, December 3rd, and
December 7th).
Above all, "Yesh Gvul" is beginning
to create a new Israeli myth, the myth of the
idealist willing to suffer for his convictions - a
worthy counterpart to the old myth of the pioneer
who makes the wilderness blossom, much used and
abused by "Gush Emunim ". This intangible
contribution of "Yesh Gvul" might continue to
influence Israeli society and politics when the
Lebanon War is long forgotten.
As this issue goes into print, the news
reached us that the Supreme Court has rejected
the appeal of "Yesh Gvul". "Yesh Gvul" is
determined to continue its struggle, despite
this setback.
Notes:
*Most of the information on behind the scenes
moves within the political establishment is taken
from an article by Haim Bar'am published in Ha'oIam Ha'zeh on, November 16th. The article was the result of extensive research, using several
independent sources.
**Some "Yesh Gvul" members claim this is not the
result of a concerted army policy, but because unit
commanders do not care to publicize the fact that
they have a "trouble make" in their unit. Also, some
commanders are themselves opposed to the
Lebanon War. There are some indications of
differences of opinion among senior army officers.
For example, the former commander of the central
command, Ory Orr, wrote in a circular to unit
commanders: "Ignore them.(...) They want to go to
prison; don't give them what they want".
A peace list in Jerusalem's
municipal elections
Elections to the municipal councils in Israel
were held on October 25th, 1983, in an atmosphere
of general indifference.
During the election campaign, the problems of peace and war were not
at the focus of public attention, which was occupied
by Israel's grave economic crisis. Even some of the
doves in Jerusalem had difficulties in understanding
the pertinence of political questions in the
municipal elections.
There were those who stressed the fight against religious coercion, which has
always been a real problem in Jerusalem. Still others
saw in the defeat of the Likud candidate the main
issue: the prevention of a right-wing coalition from
coming to power.
The more radical doves in Jerusalem saw in the
Teddy Kollek-Likud fight a distortion of the true
problems confronting the city. Of course, there are
differences between Labor and the Likud, even
grave ones, but they both are of the opinion that
Jerusalem must remain united under Israeli rule.
The truth is that inthe 17th year of the occupation, East
and West Jerusalem are not unified; their national
populations are almost completely segregated in
their separate enclaves, and constant unrest is
always at a simmer. In short, it is a potential Belfast;
exploding from time to time and returning again to
its subterranean agitation.
Finally, the radical doves are adamant in their opinion that the problem of
Jerusalem should not prevent any eventual peace
agreement between Israel and the Palestinians.
In light of the above, people from the ICIPP,
from the CSBU and from "Yesh Gvul" decided to
participate in the municipal elections campaign in
Jerusalem. A slate of 26 people (the Jerusalem
municipal council consists of 31 members) headed
by Dr. Ya'akov Amon, former director general of
the Israeli finance ministry, was submitted under the
name "Peace List".
This was done on the assumption that the success of the campaign will be
measured not by the number of votes cast for the
Peace List but by the extent of its propaganda and
the resultant public debate.
It should be stressed that the Peace List
informed the public from the beginning. that it
would not call upon the Palestinians to vote for it,
as it respected their decision not to participate in
elections under Israeli occupation. (There were
approximately 70,000 Palestinians entitled to vote
in the Jerusalem elections out of a total of 270,000
voters, and only about 17 per cent of these did
exercise their right.)
The campaign of the Peace List was on the
whole quite successful, taking into account its
almost purely political program, its complete
negation of the unilateral unification of Jerusalem
(thus breaking what is, perhaps, the biggest taboo in
Israeli politics), the general apathy of the public in
the elections, and the very moderate financial
means at its disposal. Nearly one thousand votes
were cast for this list.
Many doves still preferred to block a Likud
takeover of Jerusalem, and voted for Teddy Kollek's
list. On the whole, the elections were a complete
victory for Teddy Kollek, now in his 19th year as
mayor of Jerusalem. It was an astounding defeat for
the Likud, and even more so for the most extreme
chauvinistic party, "Ha-Tehiya ", which didn't get a
single seat on the council.
One should also note the participation of a list from the poorer areas of the
city, some of whom embraced our slogan: ''Money
for the inner city, and not for the settlements".
Israel Loeff
Israel Loeff, a resident of Jerusalem, played a
central role in the formation of the Peace List.
[page 13]
The Tripoli Siege
and the Palestinian Independence of Decision
The following is a translation of an article by
Yossi Amitai, published in the Hebrew edition of
the East Jerusalem paper "Al-Fajr", on November 9th.
The period since it was written was very eventful.
Ararat and his men successfully withstood the Syrian
onslaught; the PLO made an important political
gain by getting UN protection for the evacuation
of its fighters; the Israeli naval blockade of Tripoli
turned from a secret known to few (the ICIPP was
the first to publish it in Israel) to a bald threat
openly flaunted by arrogant ministers.
Despite all this, it was not necessary to revise the article - in
contrast to the many articles written both in Israel
and abroad, whose writers regarded "the end of
Arafat" as a fait accompli.
During the past months, thousands of
Palestinian fighters have been besieged in the
Lebanese seaport of Tripoli. The besiegers are
strong Syrian forces, and in their shadow - members
the Abu-Musa - Abu-Salah group, and of Ahmed
Jibril's "Popular Front - Central Command". To the
west of Tripoli, ships of the Israeli navy patrol,
imposing a naval blockade. This blockade is a
manifestation of the cynical partnership existing
between Israel and Syria. These two sworn enemies
have found common ground, in seeking to destroy
the Palestinian independence of decision.
This Independence of Decision, known in
Arabic as Istiqlaliyat al-Qarar al-Falastini, is a key
term in understanding the entire history of the
Palestinian National Movement.
Since the beginning of that movement, in the first years after World War
I, two opposing tendencies have existed within it:
one emphasized Palestinian uniqueness (because no
other Arab nation was directly exposed to the
Zionist challenge) while the other one advocated
reliance on the other Arabs (as the Palestinians were
too weak to face Zionism on their own).
Throughout the history of the Palestinian
National Movement, these two tendencies
contended with each other, each having its ups and
downs. Towards the end of the British Mandate, the
"Reliance" tendency became stronger, because of
the growing weaknes and disintegration of the
Palestinian society. As a result, the Arab states took
over the Palestinian cause. Foremost among them
was the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, which
annexed the major part of the Palestinian territory
that remained outside the borders of Israel. Other
Arab states also took part in this process.
The Palestinian people, broken and dispersed,
seemed to accept this Arab tutelage. Some radical
young Palestinians found consolation in enthusiastic
activity in various Pan-Arab movements, but were
quickly disillusioned.
The creat ion of the Palestinian Liberation
Organization (PLO) in May 1964 was no more than
a gesture. At that time, the PLO was not much more
than a puppet in ˇthe hands of various Arab states,
notably Nasser's Egypt.
The Fatah movement, operating half underground, did call for Palestinian
Independence of Decision and an end to Arab
patronage (wissaya), but it was too weak to actually
implement this ideal.
This situation changed in the aftermath of the
Six Day War. While the Arab states' prestige had
fallen, following their humiliating defeat, the
Palestinian organizations appeared the only ones
still fighting. As a result, the Fatah was able to take'
over leadership of the PLO, and Yasser Arafat, head
of the Fatah, became the PLO chairman as well.
Since then, the "Palestinian Independence"
tendency has grown stronger and stronger, and won
significant gains for the Palestinian people, such as
when the 1974 Arab summit in Rabat recognised the
PLO as the Sole Legitimate Representative of' the
Palestinian people.
It should be noted that the Palestinian
Independence tendency manifested itself not only in
armed struggle against Israel (in which Palestinian
organizations affiliated wiith various Arab regimes
also took part) but also in the political initiative,
manifested in the Paris meetings between the late
Dr. Sartawi and members of Israeli peace groups.
The brave decision to open a dialogue with the
Israeli Peace Movement was an exercise of the
Palestinian independence of decision and Sartawi
was a representative of this tendency.
Despite the Rabat resolutions, some Arab
regimes never truly accepted the Palestinian
independence of decision. The Syrian Ba'ath regime
has always striven to make the Palestinian National
Movement subservient to its control and interests,
and to make that movement accept its basic
ideology. In 1976, this was tragically manifested in
the Syrian intervention in the Lebanese Civil War.
The Syrians intervened on the side of the Falangist
Right, against the PLO and the Lebanese Left, and
the Tel A-Za'atar Massacre was one of the results.
The 1976 Labor government in Israel was as
pleased with this Syrian intervention as the present
Likud government is with the Syrlan siege of
Tripoli. Then, as now, Israel complemented Syrian
land operations with a naval blockade.
The Rabin government was not opposed to the participation of
Palestinians in peace negotiations as such, but to
their participation as an independent delegation,
and always demanded that they be members of
other Arab delegations.
This policy, still shared by both Israel's present Likud government and its
Labor opposition, is the real cause of their refusal to
negotiate with the PLO, and the reason why they
gladly participate in Arab efforts to crush
Palestinian independence.
[page 14]
At the Palestinian National Council's 16th session in Algiers, in February 1983, the PLO leaders faced a difficult dilemma: the Palestinian independence of decision, for which they have striven so long, came into conflict with Palestinian
unity, which was also very important to them.
Giving precedence to unity would have meant, in effect, giving veto power to Palestinian organizations that represent the interests of various
Arab regimes. But preferring the independence of decision might haveˇ meant an immediate split, to the delight of every enemy of the Palestinians.
In the event, Arafat and his colleagues decided to make far-reaching concessions to keep Palestinian unity, thus gravely compromising the
independence of decision. Sadly, this did not prevent the split, which apparently was inevitable. It only came under conditions less favorable to Arafat
and his men.
Nevertheless, I feel sure that the Palestinian independence of decision is an irreversible historical trend, even if its adherents
suffer some temporary setbacks. Arafat's personal
bravery, in endangering himself and slipping through
the Israeli blockade to join his besieged men, has not
gone unrewarded: the Palestinian people, in all its
far-flung diaspora (including even in Damascus
itself) has clearly demonstrated its support for
Arafat, whom they regard as the embodiment of the
Palestinian independence of decision.
Yossi Amitai
Kibbutz Gvulot
Postscript:
As this issue of The Other Israel
goes into print, Arafat and his men prepare to
embark on the Greek ships, which will take them
out of Tripoli under the U.N. flag. Unless the Israeli
government (or some other unpredictable factor in
this most unpredictable region) manages to
sabotage it, the evacuation will be complete within
a week. The PLO leadership will then have to decide
on its future course of action. It is to be hoped that
they will maintain and strengthen the Palestinian
independence of decision - and that they will
exercise it to decide on a new peace initiative.
As Israelis, we believe that the true interest of
Israel lies in supporting the Palestinian
independence of decision, not in suppressing it. Only
a truly independent Palestinian decision to make
peace will lead to the kind of peace that we seek: a
true and lasting peace, a peace that will heal the
wounds of a century of conflict.
Comment
A Hasty Capitulation
An organization identifying itself as the
"American-Israeli Civil Liberties Coalition, Inc."
(AICLC) has happily been offered a generous
matching grant from the Ford Foundation and is
now soliciting further contributions. All this might
have gone unnoticed by ICIPP, except that this
organization claims to be working for a cause which
interests us very much, namely, "promoting the
peace and security of the State of Israel and its
neighbors", to quote a recent, undated circular,
signed by its International Coordinator, Shulamit
Koenig.
Upon reading the circular one finds some
commendable proposals for improving the internal
situation in Israel, such as the need for a
constitution, freedom from religious oppression, the
enforcement of law and order, etc. But what should
cause concern is that the opening statement
regarding "peace and security" presupposes some
interest in Israeli foreign and defence problems,
regarding which the circular is studiously silent. Or is
it?
There is a reference there to the West Bank and
the Gaza Strip, as two territories in which the "Arab
inhabitants" enjoy no civil rights, or rather do not
enjoy those rights guaranteed to all Israelis by
Israel's Declaration of Independence.
Now, this oblique reference to the Palestinian problem as
merely one of civil rights is no longer an innovation
in Israel. Some of 'the most ardent supporters' of
Israel's policy of annexation, some of the fiercest
opponents of the Palestinian struggle for political
independence, are suggesting that we stop treating
the problem as a political one and start discussing it
in terms of civil rights due to all citizens of Israel,
including its "Arab inhabitants". The designation owes its origin to Begin's plan of autonomy for the "Arab inbabitants" of the annexed territories, now
used as a euphemism for anti-Palestinianism.
The danger with such terminology is that it is
very tempting.
There are people and groups in Israel who are
tired of what seems an endless uphill fight against
odds, and have for some time looked for a decent
way back into the comfortable fold of the "national
consensus": rather than fight for a political solution
to the Palestinian problem, turn it into a civil rights
issue as; for instance, happened in East Jerusalem,
where the "Arab inhabitants" are no longer
Palestinians but "inhabitants" who may enjoy the
right to vote in municipal elections (but not in
elections to the Knesset).
Needless to say, this is not what the Palestinians are fighting for. It is clear that
even in these trying times they are not anxious to
surrender their political rights in return for civil
rights granted to them as individuals belonging to an
oppressed nation. Aside from any other argument,
the experience of their fellow-Palestinians who
became Israelis back in 1948 is far from enviable.
Some of the individuals whose names appear
on the stationary of the AICLC should have known
better than to lend their credibility to a move which
in effect announces the unwarranted suspension of
the struggle for a just and durable solution to the
IsraeIi-Palestinian conflict.
Matti Peled
Jerusalem
On December 14th, after this article was already
written, Defence Minister Arens declared in a
Knesset 'debate: "The only way to improve the
human rights situation in Judea and Samaria is to
impose the laws of Israel there" (that is, annex these
territories).
[page 15]
A Mother's Plea
Mrs. Sameeha Khalil is a well-known public
figure in the occupied West Bank. She was a member
of the "National Steering Committee", a body that
included most of the political leaders in the
occupied territories. When that committee was
outlawed by the Israeli government, many measures
of harassment and intimidation were taken against
its members: each member was forbidden to leave
his or her place of residence ("town arrest"), making
it impossible for them to meet, and the mayors who
were members were deprived of their office. The
plight of Mrs. Khalil, described in the following
appeal, is part of this campaign of intimidation.
I, the undersigned, Sameeha Khalil, 60 years
old, a mother of five children, and the head of
In'ash El-Usra Women's Society in Al-Bireh, on the
occupied West Bank of the Jordan River, appeal to
all mothers and all those concerned with human
rights to help me see my children.
On August 7, 1980, town arrest was imposed on
me for two and a half years, during which time I was
denied the right of seeing my children who live in
Amman, Jordan.
Immediately after the order for my town arrest
was removed, I was allowed to cross the bridge only
once and was able to see my children. Later on when
I tried to travel to Jordan, on April 7, 1983, to visit
my children, the Israeli military authorities refused
to provide me with a permit to travel. Ever since I
have been trying, through all possible means, to
obtain a permit to cross the bridge, but to no avail.
I then tried to obtain permits for my children
to visit me, but the authorities once again refused to
provide me with such permits. Since denial of
permits to visit is not subject to condition or time
limits, this effectively means that years may pass
without the possibility of seeing my children.
This denial of the right of a mother to see her
children contradicts the most basic international
human and legal rights.
Therefore, I appeal to all mothers and those
concerned with the protection of human rights, all
over the world, to help me obtain the required
permit to travel and visit my children, and the
permits for them to visit me in Al-Bireh.
Sameeha S.Khalil
31/10/1983
We call upon our readers to send letters to: Mr.
Moshe Arens, defence minister, Ha-Kiriah
(government sector), Tel Aviv, Israel, calling upon
him to let Mrs. Khalil have regular contact with her
children.
Copies of such letters should be sent to the
ICIPP, P.O.B. ___, Tel Aviv, Israel, and, to Mrs.
Sameeha Khalil, P.O.B-. 3549, Al-Bireh, West Bank
(via Israel). Organizations are asked to further circulate this appeal among their membership.
Racism and the polarization
of Israeli society
Recent months have seen an alarming spread of
the incidents of racism in Israel:
- in Upper Nazareth, a racist organizationn is active under the slogan
"Don't sell your flat to an Arab! ", using violence in
its efforts to expell Arabs from the town;
- in Jaffa, some Jewish residents of a newwly-built house
opposed the sale of flats to Arabs, and were backed
publicly by a rabbi, Ephraim Zalmanovich, who
claimed that segregation is ordained by Jewish
religious law;
- at Ya'ara, a Galilee settlement where
Beduins have been living side-by-side with Jews for
over thirty years, some Jews suddenly claimed that
"they have too many children and are becoming too
numerous - something must be done about them";
- a Jewish underground calling itself T.N..T. has planted
grenades in a West Bank Arab village and in Muslim
and Christian institutions in Jerusalem;
- the Muslim cemetary of Jaffa was desecraated;
- when a boy from Haifa was murdered and ssexually mutilated,
the right-wing press and some senior police officers
were quick to accuse the Arabs, on no more
evidence than that the body was found near an Arab
village;
[page 16]
Nor were Arabs the only victims of racism:
- in the western part of the town of Safadd, a
"Neighborhood committee" was organized to
oppose the entry of black-skinned Ethiopean Jews
because of their "primitive culture" and "primitive
mentality";
- the authorities continue to pester the ""Black Hebrews", a harmless religious sect whose members - unlike most American Jews - care
enough about Israel to want to come and live here;
- in a fashionable Tel Aviv pub, the gate--keepers
have been instructed not to admit anyone with an
Oriental appearence.
Of course, racism is not a new phenomenon in
Israel; indeed, the Upper Nazareth racists were
telling the truth in claiming that Ben-Guriori's
government, which founded the town in 1956,
intended it to be purely Jewish. Nevertheless, there
is a big difference: in the last few years, racism is
coming more and more into the open, and the
racists are no longer trying to hide the true import
of their actions.
In part, this can be attributed to the economic
crisis; it is well-known, all over the world, that
racism is some people's response to deteriorating
economic conditions. But this is not the whole
answer. It is my opinion that the spread of open,
unashamed racism is part of the process of
polarization which Israeli society is undergoing.
For many years, the citizens of Israel have been
taught, and most of them sincerely believed, that
Israel seeks peace with its Arab neighbors, and that
if peace doesn't come, it is only because the Arab
side doesn't want it. As a result, occupation in the
West Bank or discrimination against the Arab
citizens of Israel were regarded as a regretable
neccessity "for security reasons", a temporary
phenomenon that will disappear when the desired
peace is at last achieved.
After Egypt has clearly demonstrated that
peace is possible, and after the Likud government
embarked on its policy of mass settlement in the
occupied territories, this kind of thinking is no
longer possible. The citizens of Israel realise that
their country is standing at the crossroads, and must
make its decision. Some people, faced with a
clear-cut choice, opt for abandoning all hope or
desire for peace, and for either creating a
South-Africa type apartheid state, deporting all the
Arabs to create a "pure Jewish state", or a
combination of the two (for example, deporting all
the Arab leadership and intelligentsia and retaining
the broken remmant as a cheap workforce).
In a way, these outright racists serve a usefull
purpose: the television appearences of Alexander
'Finkestein and other Upper Nazareth racists have
horrified many Israelis belonging to the political
center, who for the first time realised the true depth
of the abyss into which racism can plunge them. This
was reflected in wide public support for the new
"Committee Against Racism and For Coexistance ",
even from conservative organizations who usually
stay far from radical politics.
In the long run, the racists can't win. In the
second half of 20th century, a society such as they
envision cannot endure. Before they are defeated,
however, they can cause a lot of suffering, to Arabs
and Jews alike. Fighting them is one of the most
important tasks of the Israeli peace movement.
Adam Keller
Tel-Aviv